
Israel’s 60th Anniversary: Why are some people partying like it’s 1948?
By Linda Mamoun
Two weeks before Israel’s 60th anniversary the House and Senate voted
unanimously to pass resolutions honoring “the founding of the modern
State of Israel.” Before the House vote, Speaker Nancy Pelosi weighed
in on the deliberations saying, “I urge our colleagues to speak with
one voice, and support this resolution recognizing the 60th anniversary
of the state of Israel. In doing so, we not only commend Israel, we
also bring luster to this House by associating ourselves with that
great state of Israel.” To further commemorate Israeli independence,
Pelosi reserved time through the month of June for a weekly series of
floor speeches.
Israel Independence Day has been celebrated within Jewish
communities in the United States since Israel was founded.
Traditionally the celebrations were organized by synagogues or Hebrew
schools. Children would sing Ha’Tikvah, the Israeli national anthem,
and read scriptures on the Promised Land. But these days the
anniversaries are geared toward the broader public, making headlines in
places where there are large Jewish communities, but also in areas
where one would be hard-pressed to find a single person identifying as
Jewish. Not only are the anniversaries endorsed by celebrities and
political committees (this year’s “National Committee” includes former
presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, the three presidential
frontrunners, and all living secretaries of state), but the organizers
offer a dizzying array of festivities, requiring careful planning by
those hoping to partake in all the revelry.
Israel’s Independence Day falls on May 8 this year, but in the US
the festivities run from early April through the beginning of June.
With all the events going on around the country, have you planned how
you will celebrate Israeli independence?
Mark Your Calendar
If you really had your act together, you could have booked a trip to
the Holy Land with Pastor John Hagee and his Christians United For
Israel (CUFI) tour. During ten days in early April, the Celebrate
Jerusalem Tour featured a Night to Honor Jerusalem, a Middle East
Intelligence Briefing, a luncheon at the Jerusalem Convention Center, a
Jerusalem Unity Rally Walk, and a “special CUFI salute” to Israel’s
60th anniversary. Best of all, you would have gotten to hear Hagee’s
rallying speech, in which he announced his pledge of $6 million for
Israeli causes (mostly settlement-related) and declared that ”Turning
part or all of Jerusalem over to the Palestinians would be tantamount
to turning it over to the Taliban.”
For those who don’t like to travel, not to worry. You can get a
taste of Israel from the comfort of your own suburb. On May 18, jaunt
on over to Dunwoody, just outside of Atlanta, where you can see all the
major Israeli cities with the “re-creation” of Jerusalem, Tel Aviv,
Jaffa, the Negev, Sefat and Haifa. The Dunwoody events feature
“interactive family activities, such as camel rides, rowing across the
Dead Sea, and climbing Masada.”
In Beachwood, Ohio, party planners are encouraging revelers to “Take
in the sights and sounds of Israel without leaving home!” Among other
festivities, organizers have planned a faux Israeli marketplace, where
shoppers can “wander displays of one-of-a-kind jewelry, crafts and
artwork; smell the flowers; pick up a unique book; and enjoy
family-friendly crafts, games, songs and dances.”
In April, homebodies in north Jersey could have seen West Englewood
Avenue in Teaneck transformed into Jerusalem’s Ben Yehuda Street,
featuring “wonderful vendors, delicious food and fabulous music.”
If you’re not into sightseeing, don’t fret. You can celebrate in
more traditional ways -with parades, marching bands and fireworks. To
learn about festivals near you, sign up for Facebook’s “Party Like It’s
1948” group, or just google “Israel@60″ and the name of your town.
The Israel Hobby
There’s something for everyone. (And if you missed this year’s big events, it’s not too early to start planning for next year.)
If you’re a poetry or film buff, drop by an Israel@60 reading or
film festival. If you’re a bookworm, join a 60th birthday book club. If
you’re a cyclist, register for a 5k, 10k or 60k “Ride with Israel@60″
race.
If you like to pamper yourself, try Dead Sea Spa Days. If you’re an
art lover, why not amble into an exhibit commemorating Israeli
independence? If you’re a foodie, join the Israel@60 Mission, which
offers a “food and wine tour of Israel culminating in a star-studded
international leadership gathering.” If you prefer to cook your own
Israeli delicacies, sign up for an Israel@60 pita-making or Israeli
hors d’œuvre class.
Not into falafel? Other options beckon.
If you’re an American Idol addict, check out the results of the
Israeli Idol Competition (part of a series of anniversary events in Ann
Arbor). If The Amazing Race is more your thing, see who won the 2nd
Annual Amazing Israel Race (a citywide treasure hunt in NYC to
commemorate Israel’s 60th birthday.)
If you’d rather concentrate on learning a new language, launch a
“Café Ivrit” club and commit to speaking 60 minutes of Hebrew each
month to honor Israel’s 60-year history. If you’re a budding filmmaker,
try your luck in the Israel@60 video contest. If you’re a famous
blogger, well, you guessed it: Blog ’til you drop on 60bloggers.com.
(Or mark your personal blog with the Israel@60 icon.)
If music is what you live for, hopefully you saw the “60@60″ opening
night gala at Radio City Music Hall on May 7. (60@60 is a “month-long
musical celebration comprising 60 musical events across North America
through June 1.”
If you’re a left coaster, drop by the Kodak Theater in Los Angeles on
May 10 for the “Israel 60 At The Kodak” extravaganza. (The Los Angeles
“mega-celebration” is a continuation of 60@60, but is also part of
another series featuring “60 hours of live entertainment in and around
L.A. culminating in an exclusive, star-studded concert.”
Didn’t get your tickets on time? There are still other options.
If you’re an Indiana Jones-type, go on an Israel@60 archaeological dig,
or watch one on video. If you’re more of an intellectual, sign up for a
history course on the Israeli Declaration of Independence, or join
other “mythbusters” in a class that promises to “break through the
myths and get to the truth of Israel’s contributions to the world…
technology, medicine, television, music and more.” (Light refreshments
served.)
If all this sounds too tame, journey to the front lines with
Volunteers for Israel where you’ll commemorate Israeli independence by
working on special projects to support the IDF in northern and southern
Israel.
With so much going on, you won’t even have time to wonder why we’re seeing such a proliferation of festivities.
The Sellabrations
In economic terms, you could say that Israel Independence Day has
“market dominance.” When most people think of Israel Independence Day
-if they contemplate it at all- they think of it in terms of Israel’s
national narrative.
But in spite of all the festivities, Israel Independence Day may be
losing some of its market share. Unable to market the brand to at least
two demographics (Muslim and Arab Americans) and losing market share to
a generation transformed by a deeper understanding of military
occupation (whether in Palestine, Iraq or Tibet), a quality of
desperation seems to underlie the latest efforts to sell the holiday.
While advocates of Israel Independence Day still market the holiday
to the country as a whole, they’re increasingly turning to niche
markets like health & wellness and adventure travel to achieve
their main objective: market saturation.
But is it working?
According to Marc Ellis, a Jewish theologian and professor of
American and Jewish Studies, the festivities that mark Israel’s
anniversaries have little public support in the US, even in the Jewish
community: “Look at what happened with Israel’s 50th. They planned a
lot of things, but it just sort of fizzled. This is typically what
happens.”
Ellis thinks the celebrations fizzle for a variety of reasons.
First, despite the attempts to make it seem otherwise, Israel isn’t a
top priority for most Americans, even Jewish Americans. Opinion polls,
including one recently commissioned by a prominent Israel advocacy
group, confirm this. (News flash for MSNBC’s Chris Matthews, who
recently surmised that Israel is the “one key concern” of Jewish
voters.)
But Israel’s anniversaries fizzle for other reasons, as well. The
most obvious is that many people don’t see much to celebrate. Blaring
Kool & the Gang as loud as you can won’t block out the roar of the
Palestinian/Israeli conflict. And if the myriad celebrations have
anything in common -aside from their glorification of Israel- it is
that they all downplay the decades-long war. The party planners seem to
think they can erase the image of Israel as it really is by evoking the
Israel of legend and lore. (If you google “Israel” and “make the desert
bloom” you’ll see how often they try.)
But the edifice of legend is cracking. M.J. Rosenberg, director of
the Israel Policy Forum, recently wrote about the reluctance of young
Jewish Americans to embrace the Israel of lore, saying in a newsletter
that “The Internet generation is not into tired organizational talking
points which mix facts and myths in equal measure.” Rosenberg argues
that, “you can’t defend the occupation and sell Israel at the same
time.”
For those trying to sell Israel to the public, opinion polls show
that, while Americans tend to sympathize more with Israelis, most
people believe that Israelis and Palestinians share the blame for their
conflict -along with the United States. A BBC World Service Poll
released in early April describes the American public as “nearly evenly
divided” in their opinions on Israel. This doesn’t jibe with a
narrative that casts Israelis as innocent transplants who got stuck in
a bad neighborhood, but are thriving just the same.
The frenzy around Israel Independence Day can be seen as an attempt
to freeze history back to 1948 when the public’s support of Israel was
mostly unequivocal.
People vs. Projects
There is a new ethos now: If you feel for one side, you should feel
for the other. Those who subscribe to this view condemn all violence.
They put the needs of the people, Israelis and Palestinians, before
everything else. You could call them the People-First Movement.
The advocates of this movement, many of whom are American Jews and
Israelis, believe that the official Israeli story has to be outsold by
a new narrative. This means, first, acknowledging all that happened in
1948, including al nakba: the organized killings of Palestinians, the
destruction of hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages, and the
expulsion of over seven hundred thousand Palestinians from their land.
And it means looking at the US-backed occupation, and the fact that all
Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank live under the reach of Israeli
military power.
The most striking thing about this movement is how grassroots it is.
Although it has a growing DC contingent, the movement is comprised
mainly of peace activists, faith-based organizations, and campus
groups, which means it doesn’t get much attention from the press. Even
so, it has certain people worried, and they have mounted a Herculean
effort to regain control -with support from the political and religious
establishment, evangelical Christian groups like CUFI and the Joshua
Fund, lobbies like AIPAC and the American Jewish Committee, and newer
organizations like the Israel Project, the David Project, and the
Solomon Project. You might well call this the Project-First Movement.
And it has well-funded campus arms like Stand With Us, Campus Watch,
and the Israel On Campus Coalition.
The Project-First Movement has begun to use niche marketing to
attract narrower and narrower cross-sections of the American public.
The goal is to enshrine ever more abstracted conceptions of Israel in
the minds of key constituencies, increasingly on the right.
For these activists, the state of Israel -or at least its governing
regime- comes first. And just as they direct many of their appeals to
the most extreme right-wing constituencies in America, they are
increasingly aligned with the most hawkish Israeli politicians.
The movement has a grassroots following (and history), but its core
organizations tend to be centralized with munificent funding for PR.
They administer surveys, conduct focus groups, implement dial testing,
and do interviews to fine-tune their campaigns. This might explain why
the PR initiatives behind Israel Independence Day tend to be
sophisticated, even if their output seems relatively uninspired.
The Marketing Wars
There is a clear connection between public discourse and policy.
Majority support of the status quo has to be maintained if Americans
will continue to allow $3 billion of their tax dollars to be allocated
annually to Israeli aid. (And up to $3 billion more in loan
guarantees.) And what people hear about Israel, Palestine, and US
policy in the region shapes how they think.
Public discourse affects policy in more indirect ways, as well. If
the root causes of a conflict are obscured, or if one side is
characterized as inherently violent, then efforts to negotiate a fair
resolution are undermined. In a forthcoming book, Challenging Global
Terrorism and American Neo-Conservatism, international law scholar Tom
Farer writes that Israel “has championed the view that groups and
governments employing terrorist means either have non-negotiable ends
or should at least be treated as if they had them, the view that
negotiations or even the examination of the substantive claims such
groups make merely feeds the terrorist appetite.” The Project-First
Movement promotes this narrative above all others, leaving pro-peace
policy initiatives dead on arrival.
Although the Project-First Movement is succeeding on the political
front, and probably will for the foreseeable future, the People-First
Movement has been winning some of the most important narrative wars. In
the IPF newsletter cited earlier, Rosenberg describes this trend within
the Jewish community: “They are losing the campus battle big time….I’m
talking about young opinion leaders who are turned off by the
occupation and identify Israel with settlers there and neoconservatives
like Feith, Perle, and Krauthammer here. They hate the paranoid style
in which all dissent from the status quo is deemed anti-Israel or
anti-Semitic and, generally, have no use for the mindless emotionalism
and ethnic sentimentality that characterize so much of the organized
pro-Israel community. As third or fourth generation Americans, they
cannot be won over with scare tactics about the Holocaust or
Ahmedinejad.”
For the Project-First Movement to prevail -within the Jewish
community and in the broader society- it needs to succeed in two
gargantuan tasks: it has to construct a narrative that perpetually
glorifies Israel, and it has to block all counter-narratives so that
even questioning its project is unthinkable.
For the People-First Movement to succeed, it has to achieve only one goal: to humanize the conflict. And this is how they do it:
Through events focused on local organizing, public education, and
interfaith dialogue. The main orgs here are peace centers, student and
faith-based groups, and indy media outlets.
Through non-violent campaigns to end the Israeli occupation and lift
the siege of Gaza. These include everything from action alerts and
petitions to boycott, divestment and sanctions initiatives to
fact-finding tours and direct action in the West Bank and Gaza.
Through policy and media work by advocacy groups. A random list (pulled
from my inbox) of different kinds of US-based groups includes the US
Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation, Jewish Voice for Peace (and
their MuzzleWatch and StopCaterpillar sites), Electronic Intifada, Brit
Tzedek v’Shalom, J Street, the American Task Force on Palestine,
Americans for Peace Now, Al Awda, and SUSTAIN (Stop US Tax-funded Aid
to Israel NOW).
In the last decade, there has been a surge of activism in the US,
Canada and Europe. Omar Baddar, who works with the US Campaign to End
the Israeli Occupation, explains that “Activism had died down in the
1990s due to the misconception that the ‘peace process’ was working and
could achieve something. Once that fell through, and it became obvious
that Israel was choosing illegal territorial expansion over peace with
the Palestinians, people felt the need to get active on the issue
again.” Baddar believes the movement is growing because it engages
supporters “democratically and on many different levels.” The
anniversary of Al Nakba on May 15 provides a focal point.
On its website, the US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation lists
commemorations happening around the country. Just looking at the cities
where I’ve lived, there has been a firestorm of activism: In
Philadelphia, a coalition of groups organized “60 Days for 60 Years,” a
series of events and actions to commemorate Al Nakba and mobilize
support for ending the occupation. In New York, a group called “Jews
Remember the Nakba” held a rally on May 7 outside the Israel@60 gala at
Radio City Music Hall. New York peace activists will also converge on
Dag Hammarskjöld Park (May 16) to commemorate Al Nakba. In Chicago,
home to one of the largest Palestinian communities in the US, people
will mark the anniversary at the Palestinian American National
Conference from May 23 - 25. In Denver, activists organized a variety
of educational and cultural events, which will conclude in a
demonstration at the state Capitol on May 17.
Some anniversary events focus attention on specific campaigns like
divestment initiatives targeting companies that are involved with the
occupation, or ending the siege of Gaza. Several organizations planned
cross-country speaking tours to coincide with the anniversary. I met
Marc Ellis, the Jewish theologian referenced earlier, before a lecture
on Jewish activism against the occupation. He was invited by Students
for Justice in Palestine (University of Colorado) to take part in a
commemoration of the 1948 Deir Yassin massacre.
The last group I’ll mention is an Israeli organization called
Zochrot (which means “remembrance” in Hebrew). Its members post signs
on the sites of Palestinian villages destroyed by the IDF and
distribute maps identifying these sites. To commemorate the events of
1948, activists in Israel and the US have been displaying Zochrot’s
maps to show how Palestinians have been cleansed from their land.
The Forecast
Sociologists look at holidays as a form of public ritual. Not only
do holidays reflect a society’s values, but they serve to mold these
values. With Israel Independence Day, we see a reflection of America’s
strategic and cultural alliance with Israel. But we also see the
outlines of a continuing military project: A campaign to sanitize
Israel’s history and legitimize its aggression against the
Palestinians.
On April 24, The Washington Post reported on the Bush
Administration’s “secret” agreement with Israel to support settlement
expansion in the West Bank. But it’s no secret that, even since the
Annapolis talks in November, the Israeli government has authorized a
surge of settlement construction in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
And it’s no secret that the US backs virtually all of Israel’s
policies: its settlements and separation wall, its occupation and
siege; policies that have strangled the Palestinian people and resulted
in many lost lives on both sides. Because Project-First organizations
promote these policies, and thwart people’s desire for peace, they’re
essentially a movement without a people, representing the needs of no
one but a narrow fringe of ideologues and PR professionals.
But the peace movement is growing, and it’s drawing support from
people across the country who think that two safe and viable nations
will best serve the Israeli and Palestinian people. Now that would
truly be something to celebrate.
(Linda Mamoun is a writer and media critic. Her blog NewsWhacker
highlights the best and the worst news coverage of the day. Linda is a
member of the National Arab American Journalists Association and the
Arab American Writers Group.)
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